Category: Politics

  • Walter Lippmann: The Voice Who Taught America to Think About Itself

    Walter Lippmann: The Voice Who Taught America to Think About Itself

    Among the pantheon of American journalism, few figures hold as much weight as Walter Lippmann. For over half a century, he was the country’s leading interpreter of politics, war, and democracy: an intellectual go-between bridging the raw chaos of events and the public trying to make sense of them. He was not only a columnist, he was a thinker who grappled with questions that are still pressing today: How do we know what we know? What is the role of the press in presenting our vision of reality? And can democracy persist if its citizens are captives of illusion?

    Lippmann’s career spanned from the Progressive Era to the television era. Along the way, he invented modern political commentary, coined terms that have become the foundations of media theory, and commanded the attention of presidents as much as the readers of his daily column. To grasp Walter Lippmann is to learn the strained marriage of democracy and information in the 20th century, a marriage that remains under tension today.

    A New Yorker in the Making

    Born in 1889 to an affluent German-Jewish family in New York, Lippmann grew up musically gifted, well-travelled, and bookish. His passion for ideas led him to Harvard, where he studied philosophy under William James and George Santayana.

    Harvard was the turning point. Learning about pragmatism, which revolves around ideology being proved and tested in practice, took his perception of politics to great heights: his views on it were not dogmatic but instead an ever-evolving process. He graduated in 1910 as a man with starry eyes and a burning ambition to introduce firebrand ideas to a world that was standing at the door of revolution.

    The early 20th century brimmed with reform movements: investigative journalists exposed corruption boldly as progressives clamoured for reform, and politicians only added to it by grappling with America’s emerging global stronghold. Lippmann slid into this ferment easily. By 1913, Walter Lippmann, who was 24 at the time, co-founded The New Republic, a journal carrying opinions that quickly emerged as the voice of progressive intellectuals. His first central forum was employed to press the case for domestic reform and reflective engagement overseas.

    The Interpreter

    Lippmann’s voice drew a parallel between fiery crusaders like Upton Sinclair and caustic critics like H.L. Mencken as he treaded towards a calmer, analytical voice that remained relentlessly focused on clarity. His presence in journalism was less of a partisan and more of an interpreter, helping readers make sense of events too complex to grasp on their own.

    That instinct was expressed in his syndicated newspaper column, Today and Tomorrow, which debuted in 1931. It appeared for more than three decades in hundreds of newspapers all over the nation, reaching millions. Every important person within the nation gave close attention to Lippmann’s verdicts.

    His authority of trust came from his scholarship and his independence. Lippmann never had trouble changing his mind when the facts required it. His parallel opinions, whether it was about his support of Woodrow Wilson’s entry into the First World War, all while scrutinising the League of Nations, expressing his due respect to FDR, but criticising the anatomy of the New Deal, or even encouraging the Cold War containment at the same time, cautioning America against excess militarisation. His allegiance was not always to the party line but to his idea of truth.

    Public Opinion and the Shadows on the Wall

    Lippmann’s best and most lasting work did not come from his daily columns but from his books. In Public Opinion (1922), he provided a groundbreaking analysis of how people come to know the world. Underlying it was a simple yet radical notion: most of what we understand comes not through direct experience but through mediated images, news accounts, and stereotypes. He referred to this manufactured reality as the “pseudo-environment.” It is through this lens, not unmediated reality, that people form their judgments. The implication was unsettling. If citizens see the world only in terms of such shadows, democratic choice is tenuous. As Lippmann wrote, “the pictures inside people’s heads do not correspond with the world outside.”

    This was more than a philosophical comment but a political alert. Democracy, he maintained, could not rely on citizens’ understanding the complexities of contemporary policy. His answer was drastic: turn over interpretation to experts, specialists, and institutions. Elitism was the accusation of his critics, but Lippmann justified the position as realism. “The common interests,” he said, “very largely elude public opinion entirely, and can be managed only by a specialised class.”

    Struggling with Democracy

    This conflict between the ideals of democracy and the murky realities was a constant presence in Lippmann’s life. He trusted in self-government but suspected that common people were not always capable of making sound judgments. He prized the press but observed how it could deceive, and although he loved freedom, he was critical of propaganda’s corrosive influence- particularly after observing its growth under fascism.

    In World War II, Lippmann stood among the loudest voices saying that Americans had to resist Hitler, lest they themselves become postwar authoritarians. In the Cold War, he supported containment but warned that hysteria at home threatened democracy more than communism abroad. He opposed McCarthy with fact-based critiques, not fear.

    His opposition never ceased accusing him of being aloof or too detached from the fervours of democratic living. But his apologists recognised in him something unusual: a commentator who would speak what was hard, even unpopular, if he thought it was supported by reason.

    The Journalist as Philosopher

    In the mid-century period, the height of Lippmann’s persona was his transcendence into public philosophy. He earned two Pulitzer Prizes for commentary, was honoured with degrees from universities across the globe, and was accepted as the dean of American political commentary in general. But he lived with restraint, afraid of being lionised.

    Later in his life, he became increasingly suspicious of the ascendancy of television. He was concerned that the medium, which rested on image and spectacle, would further exacerbate the distortions he had predicted in Public Opinion. In later years, he feared television’s reliance on image would turn politics into theatre, a prophetic concern in today’s age of 24-hour news and social media.

    When Lippmann passed away in 1974, obituaries greeted him as a giant of journalism, a figure who had not only defined how Americans saw their world but also how they saw the act of seeing it at all.

    Lippmann’s Legacy in the Digital Age

    It is essential to revisit Walter Lippmann’s work today to observe the questions he posed that have been responsible for only sharpening the digital era we live in now. If his newspapers could construct pseudo-environments, what of today’s algorithmic feeds, where millions reside within self-supporting bubbles of disinformation?

    His “pictures in our heads” resonate in every argument over fake news, echo chambers, and disinformation campaigns. At such a time when we as a society struggle to cope with climate change, pandemics, and technological disruption problems, Lippmann’s contention comes right into relevance as he remarks that just as democracy is dependent on freedom, similarly, a news platform’s competence is equally dependent on producing sound bites that revolve around such issues of global importance.

    Naturally, his appeal for expert governance is still contentious. The populist protest of our era indicates that citizens often reject the notion of being governed by elites. Even so, his detractors acknowledge that he compelled democracy to face its blind spots. Naming the illusions we live by, he provided us with the means to resist them.

    The Final Word

    Walter Lippmann was a man of contradictions: a democrat wary of mass opinion, a journalist sceptical of the press, an optimist who often warned of failure. Yet within these tensions lay his genius. He educated the public not what to think, but how to think about thinking. His voice has since stilled, but his questions remain. In a world filled with shadows and images, we might need him today more than ever.

  • From Stridhan to Status Symbol: How Dowry Became a Cycle of Violence

    From Stridhan to Status Symbol: How Dowry Became a Cycle of Violence

    On August 21, Nikki Bhati was allegedly set ablaze by her husband, Vipin Bhati. Her family stated that they gifted her in-laws a Scorpio, a motorcycle, and gold during the wedding in 2016. But there was no satiating the demand, and they were later presented with a fresh demand of Rs 36 lakh and a luxury car. The 26-year-old woman was found with severe burn injuries at her in-laws’ home on August 21 and later died en route to a Delhi hospital. Nikki’s death has sparked renewed outrage surrounding the concern of dowry deaths and the give-and-take of dowry altogether.

    Nikki Bhati’s death has prompted public outcry and renewed debate over India’s dowry-related violence. Reported dowry deaths, however, represent only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to the violence married women face within their households. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), 35,493 brides died in India between 2017 and 2022, which averages to nearly 20 deaths a day over dowry demands. In this period, Uttar Pradesh recorded the highest number of dowry deaths, followed by Bihar and Jharkhand. Section 80 of Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023 states that the term “dowry death” is applicable when a woman dies due to bodily injury or harm up to seven years after her marriage, and it is shown that she was subjected to cruelty and/or harassment by either her husband or his parents and/or extended family. A 2010 book named Human Development in India: Challenges for a Society in Transition, covers the findings of the 2004-05 round of the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), which shows that the average wedding spending for a bride’s family was 1.5 times more than the bridegroom’s family. Behind these numbers are real women whose lives are cut short by relentless demands. Recent cases across states reveal how dowry harassment continues to escalate into brutal violence and deaths.

    Sangeeta, a mother of two and a ten-year married woman, was discovered dead on June 14 in Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, after allegedly being severely beaten and tortured with a hot iron on every part of her body, including her genitals. According to the woman’s family, she was often tormented by her husband and in-laws since they had not received the buffalo and bullet motorbike they had demanded as dowry. A young Chandigarh bride killed herself last July following what her family said was constant dowry harassment. Later that month, despite receiving a ₹70 lakh Volvo and 100 sovereigns of gold as dowry, another bride committed suicide within two months of marriage as a result of constant pressure relating to the dowry.

    These recent tragedies are not isolated incidents, but they stem from a longer history of dowry-linked violence in India. To understand why the practice persists so deeply, it is important to trace how dowry itself evolved. Dowry did not originate as a weapon of social violence; instead, it was known as ‘stridhan’ or a woman’s wealth, comprising jewellery, gold coins, and cattle, which was parted with by the bride’s family to accompany her in her married life, serving as a source of financial independence. By the medieval era, as caste hierarchies deepened, marriages became negotiations of status, dowries evolved into grand transactions, and the bride’s worth was calculated in terms of the wealth she was accompanied by. One of the earliest well-documented dowry killings occurred on 15 May 1979 in Model Town, North Delhi. Tarvinder Kaur, a Sikh bride, was attacked in her home by her mother-in-law, who doused her with kerosene, and her sister-in-law set her on fire.
    Today, the concept of dowry has evolved, and no longer fits the traditional framework of “give-and-take.” The bride’s family is expected to pay for the extravagant venues, luxurious food, stay, and whatnot. The honeymoon abroad and the luxury apartments “gifted” by the bride’s family all stem from the same social evil. Far from being abolished, the dowry system has been repackaged as status-driven consumption and reinforced by a consumerist mindset.

    The debate over dowry laws has sharpened with the ongoing Tellmy Jolly v. Union of India case, which includes a petition before the Supreme Court that questions whether parents who give dowry under coercion should be punished alongside those who demand it. Tellmy argues that, in punishing givers, the law criminalises the very people that it is supposed to shield. While the case highlights the criminalisation of victims, the Kerala government, in response to related proceedings, has recently informed the High Court that it has launched a dedicated portal for dowry complaints and is drafting a standard operating procedure for handling such cases. With the constantly rising dowry-related harassment cases rising every day in India, concerned citizens are bound to ask, “Will this portal be effective?”

    On one hand, a digital portal will make filing easier for victims (or their families), as they don’t need to go to police stations, which are often intimidating or dismissive. However, rural families may lack either digital access or literacy to access this portal. A digital approach to reporting issues such as dowry deaths and harassment can be effective, but only if it is paired with awareness campaigns, trained officers, and prompt action on complaints.

    While initiatives like Kerala’s dowry complaint web and the Tellmy Jolly petition demonstrate efforts to change the system, they also highlight the limitations of both digital and legal solutions. The continued prevalence of dowry-related violence serves as a reminder that the issue is much more complex than access to technology or the legal system, despite every new precaution that is put in place. Nikki Bhati’s case sits within a long continuum of dowry-linked violence that continues to surface across India, despite decades of legal prohibition. From the earliest recorded killings to recent tragedies, the pattern has remained disturbingly consistent, where demands escalate, families concede or resist, and women end up bearing the consequences. The persistence of such deaths shows how resistant the system is to reform. Dowry remains a deeply entrenched practice which has been consistently reshaped over time but never dismantled, leaving a legacy of inequality that continues to undermine marriage and justice alike.

  • Who owns the street? Rising rebellion against tourism in the streets of Europe

    Who owns the street? Rising rebellion against tourism in the streets of Europe

    Across Europe this summer, locals have taken to the streets with a clear message: mass tourism is pushing them out of their cities. Residents are retaliating against rising rents, overrun public spaces, and a lifestyle that’s being sold for profit.

    Anti-tourism protests have occurred all summer across various European countries, including Spain, the Netherlands, and Italy. Thousands of protesters have taken to the city’s streets over the past few months to protest against mass tourism in Spain, especially in San Sebastián, which has the nation’s highest housing costs. There, protesters chanted slogans, one being, “Sustainable tourism is a mythological animal.”

    In June, Genoa residents staged a symbolic “noisy stroll” protest, dragging suitcases through the city centre to highlight the disruptive impact of mass tourism.

    Most recently, thousands of people protested on the Spanish island of Mallorca, with organisers arguing that the current tourism model exploits workers while benefiting only a small elite. Similar demonstrations have also taken place on other popular Spanish resort islands, such as Minorca and Ibiza. These islands, with a population of just over one million, hosted more than 15 million international tourists in 2024.

    On June 15, locals in Barcelona started spraying tourists with water and chanting, “tourists go back home.” Others also carried signs with slogans such as “Barcelona is not for sale” and “Tourism is stealing from us.”

    The ongoing demonstrations intend to shed light on the blatant “touristification” of European cities. The term refers to the emphasis and priority given to tourism rather than sustaining local life, amenities, and infrastructure. The protests aim to pressure governments to address the strain tourism has on rents and housing, and the collateral environmental damage caused. Many call for policy and urban planning that puts residents’ needs and livelihoods ahead of tourist demand. In cities like Venice, where fewer than 50,000 people live year-round, over 30 million tourists visit annually. As a result, much of the hospitality industry caters to the visitors rather than residents.

    A protester holds a sign reading “Tourism is killing Barcelona” during an anti-tourism demonstration in the city. / Photo: X / @UinHurricane

    Mass tourism has disrupted daily life across Europe, and one of the most pressing issues locals face is housing. Residential units have been scarce and are slowly being converted to tourist accommodations. This scarcity has also led to a significant hike in rent and housing prices. Reports conducted by Harvard International Review have indicated that there are now more tourist beds than residents in Venice. During protests in San Sebastián, a resort city on Spain’s northern coast, some residents stated that their leading cause of concern isn’t the act of tourism itself, but rather the “speculators and exploiters who use tourism as a facade to ultimately profit from the housing and overall lives of the residents.” Locals have also started advocating for more sustainable practices to protect natural resources, local infrastructure, and heritage sites. In 2023, a tourist was accused of damaging a statue in the city’s 16th-century Fountain of Neptune, located in the Piazza della Signoria. The same year, in another part of Italy, a group of tourists was accused of toppling a valuable statue at a villa.

    During the 2024 Olympics in Paris, a city with only 11.3 million residents, approximately 9.5 million individuals purchased tickets to attend the Games. In protest against the pollution of the Seine, which was expected to worsen with Olympic preparations, locals threatened to stage a mass defecation in the river, rallying under the hashtag #JeChieDansLaSeineLe23Juin (“I sh*t in the Seine on June 23”). The campaign, widely reported by outlets including CBS News and Forbes, was dubbed the “Paris Poop Protest” by Modern Diplomacy, which described how activists used a dedicated website and hashtag to coordinate their demonstration against both river pollution and government spending.

    Governments have gradually started responding to these persisting protests; cities like Barcelona have begun cracking down on illegal rentals and changing specific bus routes to protect elderly residents. Places like Santorini in Greece and Bruges in Belgium have started imposing taxes on their tourism and hospitality industries. Venetian officials recently declared the temporary entrance fee, implemented to control tourist crowds, a success. The new €5 (about $5.4) tourist charge, which began on April 25 and concluded on July 14, brought in more than €2.4 million (about $2.6 million).

    The summer of protest across Europe has made one thing clear: locals are no longer willing to stay silent as their cities transform into playgrounds for outsiders. While tourism remains a crucial economic engine, the cost of unchecked visitor influx, rising rents, environmental strain, and local life erosion has become too heavy to bear. As more residents push back, governments must reckon with a future in which tourism must be reimagined. Whether these measures can truly shift global travel culture remains to be seen.

  • From Allies to Adversaries? U.S. Slaps Highest Tariffs on India over Russia Energy Links

    From Allies to Adversaries? U.S. Slaps Highest Tariffs on India over Russia Energy Links

    On 6 August 2025, President Donald J. Trump signed an executive order that imposes an additional tariff of 25% on imports from India, effectively pushing the headline U.S. tariff on many Indian goods to 50% where the earlier reciprocal rate also applies.

    The implementation is not uniform, with the US administration signalling targeted applications. Some products appear to be exempted (for example, some smartphone and pharmaceutical shipments), but for labour-intensive categories where Indian exporters are concentrated- apparel, gems & jewellery, carpets and some food items- the tariff rate can become a threat very quickly, as buyers can likely shift suppliers.

    The order says the additional duty is being imposed because the U.S. government finds India is “directly or indirectly importing Russian Federation oil” and that the step is needed to address “an unusual and extraordinary threat” to U.S. national security. Unless India concedes in the next three weeks, the move will potentially hit its single largest export market, worth $87.3 billion annually.

    Indian Energy Security Meets America First

    Before the Ukraine war, Russian oil was barely 2% of India’s imports. However, by 2024, it had increased to 36%. In the first half of 2025, imports hit 1.75 million barrels daily. The rationale for India has been straightforward- cheap oil for a country of 1.4 billion is an economic necessity, not a geopolitical endorsement.

    Trump sees it differently. “India has always bought a vast majority of their military equipment from Russia, and is Russia’s largest buyer of energy,” he wrote on social media. “They can take their dead economies down together.” It’s the second tariff hike, which has been framed as retaliation for India’s ‘funding’ of Moscow’s war machine.

    New Delhi has pushed back hard, accusing Washington of hypocrisy. The Ministry of External Affairs has pointed out that the EU’s trade with Russia last year- 67.5 billion euros in goods and 17.2 billion euros in services, far exceeded India’s. And the U.S. continues to tolerate large Russian energy purchases by China and Turkey without resorting to similar penalties. “Our imports are based on market factors and energy security needs,” the ministry said, calling the tariffs “unfair, unjustified, and unreasonable.”

    Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin about an upcoming visit did nothing to dismiss Trump’s idea of India as a Moscow enabler.

    Trump’s Real Obsession- The Trade Deficit

    For all the moral high ground Trump’s taking on Russia, many economists believe the real reason is the U.S.’s goods trade deficit with India. In 2024, as per a Reuters report, the gap widened to $45.8 billion, up 5.1% year-on-year. India’s exports to the U.S., led by pharmaceuticals, textiles, gems, and machinery, hit $87.3 billion, while U.S. exports to India lagged at $41.5 billion. May 2025 alone saw $8.83 billion worth of Indian goods heading to America.

    Trump has long viewed this imbalance as proof of Indian protectionism. His “reciprocal trade” doctrine demands zero-deficit commerce- a fantasy in the real world, but one he has applied indiscriminately, from Canada (35% tariffs) to Mexico (25%) and even close allies like the UK and Australia. The Russia issue, analysts argue, is a convenient pretext for a tariff tactic that forces India to buy more American oil, defence hardware, and agricultural goods.

    If the tariffs stick, U.S. consumers will inevitably pay more for everything from T-shirts to generic medicines. However, for Trump, the possibility of a narrowed deficit balances the domestic inflation risk.

    Economy and Market- Two Peas in a Pod  

    Citigroup warns of a 0.6% to 0.8% GDP hit for India if the tariffs endure; Morgan Stanley agrees on the upper bound. A more optimistic PHDCCI report estimates the damage to be just 0.19% of GDP, affecting less than 2% of exports. Either way, the pain will be sector-specific. Labour-intensive industries like textiles, gems, and pharmaceuticals will feel the brunt first. Supply chains may shift to Bangladesh or Vietnam, recreating what had happened when U.S.-China tariffs shifted manufacturing flows. The Reserve Bank of India has already intervened to limit rupee weakness.

    However, if Trump expected the Indian markets to report a major fall, the response has been underwhelming. The BSE Sensex closed at 79,857.79 on 8 August, down just 0.95%, with the Nifty 50 matching the fall. The losses marked a sixth straight week in the red- the longest such streak in five years, but why is panicking unnecessary?

    Foreign institutional investors pulled ₹15,950 crore from Indian equities in early August, but domestic institutional investors more than offset this with ₹29,070 crore in buys, supported by record systematic investment plan inflows. Mid- and small-cap stocks slipped more than 1% each, but the consensus among market strategists is that as long as domestic liquidity holds, i.e.,  the Indian consumers keep buying, India can sustain the tariffs at least in the short term.

    India’s Retaliation-  Damage Control, Negotiation, and Diversification

    India’s options are limited, with negotiation remaining a priority. WTO legal routes are available but slow. India could initiate consultations or panels, challenging U.S. national-security claims under GATT norms, similar to Brazil’s approach, though such resolutions take time and do less to prevent immediate impacts.

    Domestic measures include GST relief, credit support, and insurance for exporters, accelerating diversification via new FTAs with the Middle East, Africa, and the EU. Competitiveness improvements in key sectors are planned, but these address medium-term needs rather than short-term losses like order cancellations. Retaliation is seen as counterproductive, as it would increase Indian costs, expand the deficit from the U.S. perspective, and risk escalation.

    Competitors like Bangladesh, Vietnam, and Turkey may gain from U.S. orders. Indian firms with markets in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa stand a better chance, but this may not fully offset job losses in regions like Punjab or in textiles.

    What Does The Future Look Like for U.S.-India Relations

    Relations between the U.S. and India, initially prospering by shared interests against China, are under pressure. Trump’s recent engagement with Pakistan through deals on cryptocurrency, mining, and oil, alongside his claim of negotiating a May ceasefire (denied by India), has raised eyebrows in India.

    For the first time in two decades, U.S. relations have become a domestic political issue in India. In the U.S., with Trump’s influence, issues like immigration, deportations, H-1B visas (72% held by Indians), offshoring, and technology sharing could turn India into a partisan topic.

    Mistrust over third-party relations- such as India’s ties to Russia and U.S. dealings with China and Pakistan was previously managed. Tariffs on Russian oil, however, change this narrative. Trump’s comments, including calling India a ‘dead economy,’ have just added fuel to the tariff fire.

    A negotiated settlement in the near future could restore confidence, secure U.S. export gains, and keep strategic ties intact. Failure could see supply chains rerouted, investments delayed, and both economies paying the price for this unwarranted trade war. As former Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran puts it, India must “endure short-term pain to safeguard long-term sovereignty.” However, political scientist Pratap Bhanu Mehta is blunter, warning that Modi risks’ humiliation’ if he cannot manage a dignified off-ramp.

  • R.G. Kar victim’s parents continue relentless quest for justice as India celebrated Rakshabandhan

    R.G. Kar victim’s parents continue relentless quest for justice as India celebrated Rakshabandhan

    A year has passed since a doctor was raped and murdered in R.G. Kar nursing home in West Bengal, Kolkata. As the whole country celebrated ‘Rakshabandhan’ on the very same day the incident happened a year ago, the victim’s parents are still visiting the State and Central Govt. turn by turn in search of justice.

    Just a year prior, the horrific incident shook the whole nation; people around the globe took to the streets, raising systemic issues on women’s safety in the city of Kolkata. Fast forward to 2025, the victim’s parents are not satisfied, alleging “incomplete investigation”. According to the law, one person cannot commit this heinous crime. A civic volunteer named Sanjay Roy was convicted by the Sealdah Court and sentenced to life imprisonment till death. The judge excused the Death penalty because it was not a “rarest-of-rare” case, sparking huge controversy. On Saturday, 9 August, the victim’s parents called for a protest march in memory of their daughter. They alleged that they were stopped and beaten by the police near Park Street when they were marching towards the Bengal Secretariat. According to the victim’s father, they were stopped despite having court permission for the rally. Following their meeting with the Union Home Minister Amit Shah and CBI Director Praveen Sood over the incompetence of the West Bengal Government in giving them justice.

    Even after the R.G. Kar case, the crimes against women didn’t decline. A TMC student leader in the Union room of South Calcutta Law College raped a college student. In Pune, a girl was raped in her own house by a man pretending to be a delivery agent.

    As brothers vowed to protect sisters on the very same day, in a difference of a year, the victim’s mother was quoted by PTI saying, “Why are they stopping us? We only want to reach the secretariat and seek justice for my daughter.”  Thousands of women are molested and cat-called every day in India, and out of the many or two cases take the shape of R.G. Kar or Nirbhaya. As Durga Puja approaches in Bengal with Pandals fighting to make a women-related theme, the question arises, “What’s the need of worshipping a female deity when rape victims’ parents are lathi-charged by police for seeking justice?”

  • Vice-President Jagdeep Dhankhar Resigns Suddenly, Cites Health Reasons

    Vice-President Jagdeep Dhankhar Resigns Suddenly, Cites Health Reasons

    Vice-President of India Jagdeep Dhankhar resigned from his post on Monday, saying he was following medical advice and needed to focus on his health. The resignation came as a big surprise to many, as he still had two years left in his term.

    In his resignation letter to President Droupadi Murmu, Mr. Dhankhar said, “To prioritise health care and abide by medical advice, I hereby resign as the Vice-President of India, effective immediately.” The letter was shared on his official X (formerly Twitter) account.

    Mr. Dhankhar, 74, had a heart-related issue in March but had recovered and was attending official events regularly. In fact, he had taken part in Parliament earlier the same day and chaired a meeting of the Business Advisory Committee in the Rajya Sabha. He was also scheduled to visit Jaipur the next day for an event.

    His sudden resignation raised many questions and speculations. While the official reason is health-related, some political leaders believe there could be other reasons behind the move.

    Congress MP Jairam Ramesh said the resignation was “shocking and unexpected.” He mentioned that he had spoken to Mr. Dhankhar just a few hours before the news broke, and the Vice-President gave no hint about stepping down. “He was supposed to make some big announcements related to the judiciary tomorrow,” Mr. Ramesh added.

    Sources as per The Hindu say Mr. Dhankhar was also expected to speak in the Rajya Sabha on impeachment motions against two High Court judges. These were sensitive matters that could have made headlines.

    According to senior leaders in the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), the government is now preparing a list of possible replacements. The next Vice-President will likely be from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and someone close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. PM Modi is expected to return from his overseas visit by July 26.

    There have also been reports of tensions between Mr. Dhankhar and the government in recent months. His strong public comments about the judiciary did not go down well with some government leaders. In December 2024, the Opposition had even moved an impeachment motion against him, something that had never happened before for a Vice-President. Although the motion was dismissed, Mr. Dhankhar was reportedly upset that no top government minister publicly defended him.

    Mr. Dhankhar is known for speaking his mind. He began his career as a lawyer and entered politics in 1989, winning a Lok Sabha seat from Jhunjhunu, Rajasthan. He joined the BJP in 2003 and was made Governor of West Bengal in 2019, where he had regular disagreements with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. In 2022, he was elected as the 14th Vice-President of India.

    As Vice-President, he often spoke on issues like judicial reform, farmers’ rights, and Parliament’s powers. Some admired his courage, while others felt he crossed the line expected from someone in a high constitutional post.

    So far, the BJP has not issued a formal statement. PM Modi posted a brief message online, but it was far less warm than the praise he had given Dhankhar earlier. Meanwhile, several Opposition leaders have spoken about Mr. Dhankhar with respect and concern.

  • Elon Musk Launches America Party: Fiscal Conservatism, Electric Cars, Revenge

    Elon Musk Launches America Party: Fiscal Conservatism, Electric Cars, Revenge

    Billionaire Elon Musk, on Saturday, announced the launch of a new ‘centrist’ political party, the ‘America Party,’ which looks like both a political gamble and an escalation to his very public feud with US President Donald Trump. In a series of posts on his platform X, Musk has positioned the new party as a direct challenge to America’s historic two-party system.

    “By a factor of 2 to 1, you want a new political party, and you shall have it!” Musk posted, citing a poll he ran on X. He added, “When it comes to bankrupting our country with waste and graft, we live in a one-party system, not a democracy. Today, the America Party is formed to give you back your freedom.”

    However, there is no evidence as of now of Musk formally registering the party with the Federal Election Commission (FEC). Musk, who was born in South Africa and is ineligible to run for president, has not named a leader for the party yet.

    The announcement comes against the backdrop of a dramatic public split with Trump, whom Musk had previously supported with over $275 million in campaign donations. Musk has even served in Trump’s administration as the head of the so-called Department of Government Efficiency (Doge), where he oversaw aggressive cuts to federal programs.

    Their falling out began after Musk publicly criticised Trump’s massive tax and spending bill, which the latter refers to as ‘one big beautiful bill’, which was signed into law last week and is expected to add over $3 trillion to the national deficit. Musk, a prominent leader in the EV industry, has very publicly made his opinions known on the bill, which omitted subsidies for electric vehicles, a key interest for Tesla.

    Trump has since then publicly dismissed Musk’s new party as ‘ridiculous’, calling Musk a “TRAIN WRECK” that has gone “off the rails.” Trump has also threatened to revisit federal contracts with Musk’s companies, including SpaceX and Starlink, both of which rely heavily on government deals. He further hinted at potential moves to strip Musk of subsidies or even reconsider his immigration status, despite Musk having been a US citizen since 2002.

    Unbothered by the president’s remarks, Musk suggested that the America Party could start by focusing on a handful of highly contested House and Senate races in the 2026 midterms. He argued that winning just a few seats could give the party leverage in a closely divided Congress.

    Meanwhile, a Reuters report has pointed to a slide of nearly 8% in Tesla’s shares on Monday, following Musk’s announcement. The company is now tasked with selling more than one million vehicles in the second half of the year to avoid a year-on-year decline in sales. If the stock slide continues, Tesla will lose over $80 billion in market value. Can Tesla afford this political venture, given how Trump’s initial threats to cut off subsidies to Musk’s businesses led to a $150 billion wipeout in Tesla’s market cap in a single trading session?

    Despite Musk’s confidence, US political history has shown little success for third parties. So far, the America Party looks more like a personal vendetta than a serious political movement. There are no declared candidates and no clear policies beyond Musk’s usual focus on cutting government spending. No known lawmakers have shown any interest in defecting to his fledgling party.

    In reality, there’s little evidence of a strong voter bloc eager to rally behind Musk. His millions of followers on X and strong financial resources don’t necessarily translate into political power. Without a coalition of committed candidates and grassroots supporters, the America Party risks becoming just another news headline, fizzling out entirely once Musk’s attention shifts elsewhere.

  • A Costly Consensus: NATO’s 5% Defence Pledge and the Trump Effect

    A Costly Consensus: NATO’s 5% Defence Pledge and the Trump Effect

    In the 2025 North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) Summit held from 24 June to 26 June, a strong commitment was made by all the NATO countries. The member states have finally agreed to ramp up their defence spending goal to 5% of their gross domestic product (GDP) by 2035, a major jump from the previous target of 2% set in 2014.

    The US president has raised questions about NATO’s collective defence strategies for several months now, narrowly referring to Article 5 of NATO’s Alliance in his defense, which states, “An armed attack against one or more of the allies shall be considered an attack against them all. Trump has avoided explicitly endorsing the clause, claiming there are “multiple definitions of Article 5,” a move seen by many as an effort to avoid confrontation with Russia.

    In response, NATO has worked towards a compromise, agreeing to increase defence spending to keep the U.S. engaged in the alliance. The 32 countries have decided to dedicate 3.5% of their GDP to crucial military needs and 1.5% to other elements such as cybersecurity, infrastructure, etc.

    NATO has publicly stated that the alliance must work towards deterring Russia’s military force. “NATO needs a “quantum leap” in defence to deter threats to the alliance”, Rutte mentioned in a speech given in London, earlier this month. Thus, he urged member states to invest more funds towards defence.

    Trump went on Truth Social to share a message sent to him by NATO Secretary-General, Mark Rutte. In the message, Rutte acknowledged that Trump has driven NATO towards a very important global decision. He also added that Trump has “achieved something NO American president in decades could get done.”

    A New York Times report highlights that Trump has previously bashed NATO for not allocating adequate funds for defence, particularly in the face of threats like Russia. During his first term, Trump had threatened that the USA would exit the NATO alliance. Experts believe that Trump may be undermining NATO from within and that this dramatic agreement was primarily made to ensure that the USA remains an enthusiastic participant in NATO.

    Image Source: WhiteHouse/ @x.com 

    However, not all 32 countries were satisfied with this decision. Spain’s Prime Minister, Pedro Sanchez, had sent a letter to Mr. Rutte saying that Spain “cannot commit to a specific spending target in terms of GDP.” Sanchez insisted that Madrid would need only 2.1% percent of GDP to acquire and maintain all the personnel, equipment, and infrastructures requested by the alliance to confront these threats with their capabilities.

    As a result, every member state will not be forced to reach the 5% threshold; however, there are some standard military requirements that every country is required to meet. Trump vowed that he would make Spain pay for this “terrible” decision. “I like Spain … It’s a great place and they’re great people. But Spain is the only country out of all the countries that refuses to pay. And, you know, so they want a little bit of a free ride, but they’ll have to pay it back to us on trade because I’m not going to let that happen,” Trump said.

    This commitment was shaped as much by the strategic urgency felt by all 32 countries within the NATO alliance. As they rush to present a united front, a divide is forming within the coalition itself. As key participants like Spain are raising their voices against major players like the US.

  • Ceasefire in Kashmir: An Operation in Suspension

    Ceasefire in Kashmir: An Operation in Suspension

    On May 20, 2025, India and Pakistan announced a renewed commitment to the 2021 ceasefire agreement along the Line of Control — their second such declaration in four years. Framed as a diplomatic gesture aimed at “stabilising the region,” the move arrived in the shadow of bloodshed. On the morning of 22 April 2025, a convoy of buses winding through the hills of Pahalgam was ambushed by armed militants. The vehicles were carrying Hindu pilgrims, many travelling from Gujarat and Maharashtra, toward the sacred Amarnath site. The attackers opened fire with military precision. By the time it ended, 27 people were dead, dozens wounded, and Kashmir’s already uneasy calm had cracked again.

    Among the survivors was nine-year-old Naksh from Surat, found clutching his brother’s bloodied shirt. Witnesses said the attackers separated passengers by religion before shooting. The brutality of the assault — its timing, its political undertones — raises deeper questions about the promises of peace in Kashmir and the realities on the ground, especially under the framework of what both India and Pakistan still describe as an active ceasefire.

    But what, exactly, is being held at bay?

    A History of Ceasefire, Interrupted

    Kashmir, a region claimed by both India and Pakistan since the Partition in 1947, has endured multiple wars, two full-scale insurgencies, and decades of militarisation. In 1949, the United Nations facilitated the first formal ceasefire between the two countries, freezing control along what came to be known as the Line of Control (LoC). That agreement was never meant to be permanent, and it wasn’t.

    After the 1999 Kargil War, ceasefire violations peaked in 2002, with over 5,000 reported incidents. In 2003, a renewed agreement between New Delhi and Islamabad was announced, and for a few years, it seemed to hold. The number of violations plummeted to fewer than 100 by 2005. Cross-border travel was reintroduced. Civil society groups began cautious dialogues. Kashmiris, many for the first time in years, began to believe in a kind of fragile normalcy.

    That changed over the next decade. Tensions escalated again following the 2016 killing of militant commander Burhan Wani and even more sharply after the revocation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status under Article 370 in August 2019. The region saw lockdowns, communication blackouts, and mass detentions. Between 2019 and 2020 alone, India reported over 5,000 ceasefire violations along the LoC.

    Yet in February 2021, the two countries surprised many by issuing a joint statement: they would “observe all agreements on ceasefire along the LoC and all other sectors.” Diplomats hailed the announcement as a significant thaw. It was informal, not part of any treaty, but carried the weight of official intent. It was widely referred to in Indian media as “Operation Ceasefire.”

    Operation Ceasefire: A Pause Without a Framework

    Despite the name, Operation Ceasefire was not an operation in the military sense — it was a diplomatic reaffirmation. There were no new protocols, third-party monitors, or cross-border verification mechanisms. What existed instead was mutual fatigue and perhaps mutual interest: both countries faced economic pressures and, in Pakistan’s case, growing internal instability.

    For a time, violations along the LoC sharply declined. According to official data, ceasefire violations dropped by over 90 per cent in 2021 and 2022. For the border towns of Uri, Poonch, and Tangdhar, the lull meant children returned to school, weddings were held in daylight, and life resembled something closer to ordinary.

    But for many in Kashmir, especially those far from Delhi’s policy circles or Islamabad’s diplomatic corridors, the word “ceasefire” never meant protection. It meant pause – silence is not guaranteed but expected to break.

    After the Pahalgam attack, that silence shattered. Eighteen days following the assault, 83 new violations were recorded along the LoC. Shelling resumed. Drone activity spiked. Inhabitants of border villages began sleeping in basements again.

    “We never stopped packing our emergency bags,” said Rina Begum, a mother of three in Uri. “You can’t afford to believe in peace here. You just live in between the bombs.”

    The Civilian Cost of Fragile Promises

    In the highlands of north Kashmir, the idea of peace is rarely tied to ceasefires. The lines on the map may freeze and unfreeze with official declarations, but the lived reality is one of constant vigilance. Homes have backup escape plans. Schools run modified curriculums for when children cannot attend. Shops stay stocked with dry rations in case roads are sealed without warning.

    Nazakat Ahmad Ali Shah, a trekking guide who helped rescue several survivors during the April attack, described it plainly:

    “It’s not a ceasefire if we’re still burying people. It’s a ceasefire if we feel safe. And we don’t.”

    The international community often treats these surges of violence as isolated ruptures — regrettable but exceptional. But for Kashmiris, especially those along the LoC, these moments are neither new nor surprising. They are cyclical. A massacre, a speech, a reaffirmation. Then, another pause and another promise that cannot shield them from the next round.

    And in the middle of it all is Naksh — a boy who speaks less now, eats less, and flinches at thunder. When asked what peace means to him, he said:

    “Just quiet. But not the scary kind. The kind where no one is hiding.”

    A Ceasefire or a Countdown?

    Ceasefires, as currently structured, are not rooted in reconciliation or accountability. There is no truth-telling, no demilitarisation, no reparative justice. What exists instead is an agreement to hold fire temporarily — sometimes upheld, often broken — without addressing the deeper political fractures underneath.

    In Kashmir, the difference between silence and gunfire is rarely peace. It’s only space.

    And as long as ceasefires remain tactical rather than transformative, Kashmir will continue to experience what it knows too well: the noise of violence, followed by the quieter but no less terrifying wait for it to return.

    If this is what we call a ceasefire, what would actual peace look like?

  • Justice B.R. Gavai Appointed as the 52nd Chief Justice of India

    Justice B.R. Gavai Appointed as the 52nd Chief Justice of India

    Justice Bhushan Ramkrishna Gavai was sworn in as the 52nd Chief Justice of India (CJI) on 14 May 2025, succeeding Justice Sanjiv Khanna. President Droupadi Murmu administered the oath of office at Rashtrapati Bhavan. Justice Gavai will serve as CJI until his retirement on 23 November 2025, with a tenure of a little over six months.

    His appointment was confirmed by the Ministry of Law and Justice on 29 April 2025, following a recommendation by Justice Sanjiv Khanna on 16 April. Vice-President Jagdeep Dhankhar, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and other Union ministers were present at his oath-taking ceremony.

    Legal Career and Judicial Tenure

    Born on 24 November 1960 in Amravati, Maharashtra, Justice Gavai is the first Buddhist to be appointed as CJI and only the second judge from the Scheduled Caste community to hold the position, after former CJI K.G. Balakrishnan.

    Following in his father’s footsteps, the late R.S. Gavai, a well-known Ambedkarite leader and former Governor of Bihar, Sikkim, and Kerala, Justice Gavai enrolled as an advocate in 1985 and began his legal career under Barrister Raja S. Bhonsale, a former Advocate General and High Court judge.

    Justice Gavai practised independently at the Bombay High Court from 1987 to 1990. He specialised primarily in constitutional and administrative law and served as Standing Counsel for various municipal bodies and public institutions. He was later appointed Government Pleader and Public Prosecutor in 2000.

    Justice Gavai was elevated to the post of an Additional Judge of the Bombay High Court on 14 November 2003 and became a Permanent Judge on 12 November 2005. He served at the Mumbai, Nagpur, Aurangabad and Panaji Benches for over 16 years before being appointed to the Supreme Court on 24 May 2019.

    His elevation to the apex court was recommended by the Collegium led by then Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi, which cited due representation, along with seniority and merit as the key reasons.

    Key Judgments and Contributions

    As a Supreme Court judge, Justice Gavai has been part of several key Constitution Benches and landmark judgements.

    He authored the majority opinion in the 2023 verdict that upheld the 2016 demonetisation scheme and was on the Bench that upheld the abrogation of Article 370. He also struck down the electoral bonds scheme and supported sub-classification within Scheduled Castes in both majority and concurring opinions.

    Justice Gavai has been part of several high-profile bail rulings as well, including granting bail to former Delhi Deputy CM Manish Sisodia and activist Teesta Setalvad. He also led the Bench that ordered the release of A.G. Perarivalan in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case.

    In 2024, Justice Gavai wrote a concurring opinion in State of Punjab v Davinder Singh, advocating for the exclusion of the ‘creamy layer’ within Scheduled Castes. In another important 2024 ruling, he held that demolitions without due process violated the constitutional right to shelter, laying down procedural safeguards against arbitrary bulldozer actions. He was also on the Bench that convicted Advocate Prashant Bhushan for contempt and later stayed Rahul Gandhi’s criminal defamation conviction.

    Challenges Ahead for CJI Gavai

    Despite his short six-month tenure as Chief Justice, Justice Gavai is set to face several important challenges, with a backlog of over 82,000 cases pending before the Supreme Court as of January 2025, according to the Supreme Court Observer.

    More immediately, two High Court judges, Allahabad HC’s Justice Shekhar Yadav and former Delhi HC judge Yashwant Verma, are facing impeachment proceedings. At the same time, three apex court judges, Justices B.V. Nagarathna, Abhay Oka, and Sanjay Karol, are set to retire in the coming months. With two existing vacancies already, Justice Gavai’s Collegium will need to recommend at least five new appointments to maintain the court’s strength.

    He will also have to decide on several important issues, including pending cases related to the Places of Worship Act, the criminalisation of marital rape, and the validity of certain Waqf Act provisions. As master of the roster, how he allocates these matters and whether he ensures timely hearings will be closely watched.

    Justice Gavai, however, seems to be hitting the ground running. Shortly after taking charge, he addressed media personnel and shared a brief outline of his priorities for the months ahead.